LISTEN | Overview of Ethiopia’s Flashpoint State-Enabled Persecution and Cultural Erasure Targeting the Ancient Orthodox Church

A Church Under Siege: An Analysis of the Contemporary Persecution of Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Christians

Introduction

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church (EOTC), an institution whose history is inextricably woven into the fabric of the Ethiopian state and national identity, is currently facing a crisis of existential proportions. Since 2018, a period of tumultuous political transition in Ethiopia, the Church and its adherents have been subjected to a systematic and escalating campaign of violence, intimidation, and persecution. This phenomenon is not a series of isolated or random acts of criminality but a discernible pattern of targeted attacks occurring at the volatile intersection of Ethiopia’s multiple armed conflicts, resurgent ethno-nationalism, and deep-seated historical grievances. The targeting of the EOTC, its clergy, laity, and sacred sites represents a profound threat not only to the survival of one of the world’s oldest Christian communities but also to the very social cohesion and stability of the Ethiopian state.

This report provides a comprehensive, evidence-based analysis of the nature, drivers, and impact of this contemporary persecution. It moves beyond a simple catalog of atrocities to dissect the complex historical, political, and ethnic dynamics that fuel the violence. The analysis begins by examining the EOTC’s historical role as a pillar of the Ethiopian polity, a legacy that has made it a potent symbol and, consequently, a primary target in the country’s current conflicts. It then maps the geography and anatomy of the violence, documenting a grim chronology of massacres, targeted killings, and the destruction of religious heritage across the country, with particular focus on the epicenters of Oromia, Tigray, and Amhara.

A central focus of this report is the 2023 schism within the Church, an event that exposed the institution’s vulnerability to political manipulation and demonstrated the active role of state actors in exacerbating internal divisions, often with lethal consequences. The analysis identifies the key perpetrators—including state security forces and non-state armed groups—and deconstructs the ethno-nationalist ideologies that provide a political justification for religious persecution. Finally, the report quantifies the devastating human toll of this crisis, detailing the mass displacement, pervasive fear, and erosion of religious freedom that now define the lived experience of millions of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. Drawing upon extensive documentation from international human rights organizations, government reports, media investigations, and academic research, this report aims to establish an undeniable record of the crisis and conclude with actionable recommendations for national and international stakeholders to address the climate of impunity and prevent further atrocities.

Section I: The Weight of History – The EOTC in the Ethiopian Polity

To comprehend the contemporary persecution of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, one must first appreciate its historically unparalleled position within the Ethiopian state. For over 1,600 years, the EOTC was not merely a religious institution but a foundational pillar of political power, national identity, and cultural production. This legacy is a double-edged sword: it is the source of the Church’s immense spiritual authority and cultural resilience, but it has also rendered it a lightning rod for historical grievances that are being violently exploited in the current political climate. The erosion of its once-hegemonic status has created a profound institutional insecurity, while its enduring symbolism makes it a prime target for those seeking to radically redefine the Ethiopian state. The violence today is, in effect, the violent renegotiation of the Church’s place in the “New Ethiopia.”

1.1 The Altar and the Throne: A Symbiotic Legacy

The EOTC’s deep entanglement with state power began in the 4th century, when King Ezana of Aksum adopted Christianity as the state religion.¹ This established a symbiotic relationship between the altar and the throne that would define the Ethiopian polity until 1974.³ This fusion of religious and political authority was codified in foundational national epics, most notably the 14th-century Kebra Nagast (“Glory of Kings”). This text provided a sacred narrative linking the Ethiopian monarchy to the biblical King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba, thereby legitimizing the Solomonic dynasty that ruled for centuries.³ The myth also positioned Ethiopia as the chosen nation of God, the new Zion, and the resting place of the Ark of the Covenant, with the EOTC as the divine institution at the heart of this national covenant.³

This institutionalized symbiosis granted the Church immense privileges. It became a major landowner, controlling vast territories that provided significant income and influence.² The Church was an indispensable tool of statecraft, its expansion mirroring that of the empire, and its clergy often acting as agents of the state. For much of its history, this imperial project was closely associated with the Amhara ethnic group, and Amharic became the language of the court and the Church, even as emperors themselves often had mixed ethnic backgrounds.³ This historical reality forged a strong, often indivisible, link in the popular and political imagination between the EOTC, the imperial state, and Amhara cultural dominance.²

1.2 Fractured Hegemony: Navigating Secularism and Ethno-Federalism

The seemingly immutable bond between church and state was shattered by the 1974 Marxist revolution. The Derg regime officially disestablished the EOTC, declared the state secular, nationalized all land including the Church’s extensive holdings, and even executed the Patriarch.¹ This was a seismic shock that marked the beginning of the end of the Church’s privileged status and ushered in an era of official religious equality.³

The fall of the Derg in 1991 and the rise of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) further entrenched this new secular order. The EPRDF-led government introduced a new constitution based on ethno-linguistic federalism, a system designed to empower the country’s diverse ethnic groups and dismantle the centralized, Amhara-coded state of the past.³ This political restructuring had profound religious consequences. It created new regional political spaces and gave greater rights and visibility to religious minorities, particularly Muslims and Protestant evangelicals, who had been marginalized under the imperial regime.³ The rapid growth of these other faiths, especially since the 2018 political reforms, challenged the EOTC’s historical dominance and its monopoly on Ethiopia’s sacred narratives.³ This decline in its hegemonic position fueled a narrative of grievance and a deep-seated sense of insecurity within the Orthodox community, which increasingly viewed the rise of other groups as a direct threat to its existence.³

1.3 The Enduring Symbol: The Church in the Crosshairs of Ethno-Nationalism

The historical legacy of the EOTC is the primary driver of its current persecution. Because of its centuries-long association with the imperial state and its perceived role in a process of “Amharization,” the Church is viewed by many contemporary ethno-nationalist movements not as a neutral house of worship but as the living embodiment of a historical state structure they oppose.⁵ In regions like Oromia, where Oromo nationalism has surged, the EOTC is often depicted as a symbol of past subjugation and an obstacle to the assertion of a distinct Oromo identity.³

This politically charged perception transforms ethnic and political conflicts into religious persecution. Attacks on churches, clergy, and the faithful are not merely random acts of violence; they are calculated assaults on a powerful symbol of a contested history.⁵ The destruction of a church is seen as an act of reclaiming land and erasing the footprint of the old imperial order. The killing of a priest is framed as an attack on an agent of a rival political and cultural system. The persecution of Orthodox Christians is therefore a violent manifestation of Ethiopia’s unresolved “national question,” where the battle over the country’s future is being fought, quite literally, on the sacred ground of its past.

Section II: A Cartography of Persecution (2018-Present)

Since the political transition of 2018, Ethiopia has witnessed an alarming escalation in the frequency and brutality of attacks targeting the EOTC, its clergy, and its followers. A systematic review of documented incidents reveals a clear and undeniable pattern of persecution that transcends isolated events and points to a nationwide crisis with specific geographic epicenters. The violence is multifaceted, ranging from large-scale massacres and targeted assassinations to the deliberate destruction of irreplaceable religious and cultural heritage. This section provides an evidence-based cartography of this persecution, documenting the anatomy of the violence and identifying the primary conflict zones where Orthodox Christians are most at risk.

2.1 Anatomy of Violence: Killings, Kidnappings, and Displacements

The violence perpetrated against Orthodox Christians has been characterized by its extreme brutality and its deliberate targeting of both laypeople and religious figures. Human rights organizations, media outlets, and the Church itself have documented numerous forms of attack.

Mass Killings and Executions: Large-scale killings have become a horrifyingly common feature of the conflict. The most notorious of these is the Axum massacre of November 2020, where Ethiopian and Eritrean forces are reported to have killed an estimated 750 civilians in and around the sacred Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion, a site believed to house the Ark of the Covenant.⁸ In the Oromia region, a consistent hotspot, a series of attacks in the Arsi zone in November 2023 saw 36 Orthodox Christians forcibly taken from their homes and executed.¹⁰ In March 2024, in Dodola, Arsi, “unidentified gunmen” massacred two entire families, including clergy members, at the Debre Kidusan Kidus Gebre Kristos Church.¹¹

Targeting of Clergy: Priests, monks, and deacons have been specifically targeted for kidnapping and murder, a tactic aimed at terrorizing the community and decapitating its local leadership. In February 2024, four clergymen, including the head administrator of the historic Ziquala Debre Kewakibt Abune Gebre Menfes Kidus Monastery in Oromia, were kidnapped and brutally killed. The EOTC attributed the attack to the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA).¹⁰ During the Tigray War, reports indicated that at least 78 priests were killed in the first five months of the conflict alone.¹³

Attacks on Worshippers and Pilgrims: Even the act of worship has become perilous. In December 2023, a group of Christian pilgrims returning from the annual feast of Saint Gabriel at Kulubi were ambushed by gunmen near Metehara, resulting in eight deaths and ten abductions.¹⁰ In February 2023, during the EOTC schism crisis, security forces in Shashamane, Oromia, opened fire on parishioners who were peacefully protecting their church, killing at least eight people.¹⁴

2.2 Epicenters of Conflict: Oromia, Amhara, and the Tigray War

While attacks have occurred across the country, the persecution has been most concentrated and systematic in three primary regions, each with its own distinct conflict dynamics.

Oromia: This region stands out as the most consistent and intense epicenter of anti-Orthodox violence. The persecution here is deeply intertwined with the Oromo nationalist insurgency and political grievances against the central state. A wide range of actors have been implicated, including the armed Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and, critically, Oromia regional security forces, who have been accused of both direct participation in attacks and passive acquiescence to violence by other groups.¹⁰ The violence is pervasive, affecting multiple zones such as Arsi, East and West Wollega, and Shewa.¹⁰

Tigray: The persecution in Tigray is framed by the devastating 2020-2022 war between the federal government and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). The conflict saw widespread atrocities committed by all sides, but religious sites and figures were particularly targeted. The Axum massacre remains the single deadliest event, a profound violation of one of the holiest sites in Orthodox Christianity.⁸ Beyond Axum, Ethiopian and allied Eritrean forces were implicated in the widespread killing of priests, the looting of ancient monasteries, and the shelling of churches.¹³ The conflict also created religious tensions that extended beyond the region, with reports of ethnic Tigrayan priests and monks being rounded up by police at a cathedral in Addis Ababa.¹³

Amhara: Historically considered the heartland of the EOTC, the Amhara region has not been immune to the violence, particularly since the outbreak of conflict between the federal government and the local Fano militia in 2023. In their crackdown against Fano, federal forces have been accused of attacking monasteries where civilians were taking shelter. Eyewitnesses reported that the Holy Trinity Monastery was attacked by the national army, resulting in the killing, injury, or displacement of the majority of people sheltering there.¹⁶ These incidents demonstrate that even in its historical stronghold, the Church is not safe when it is caught between warring factions or perceived as sympathetic to an opposing side.

2.3 The War on Heritage: Destruction of Sacred Sites

A key tactic in the persecution campaign has been the deliberate destruction of churches, monasteries, and other sacred sites. Since 2018, numerous reports have emerged of arson attacks on churches, particularly in the Somali and Oromia regions.⁵ A 2023 report by the International Orthodox Tewahedo Alliance (IOTA) documented a significant intensification of church burnings and property demolitions since the 2018 reforms.⁴

This destruction is not merely collateral damage from conflict but a calculated strategy of cultural and religious erasure. As Imam Ahmad Gragn’s forces did in the 16th century, modern perpetrators attack churches because they are the material and spiritual centers of Orthodox community life.¹⁹ Burning a church is an act intended to demoralize the faithful, sever their historical and spiritual connection to the land, and physically remove the presence of the EOTC from a given territory. The consistent failure of government authorities to prevent these attacks or to investigate and prosecute the perpetrators has been a recurring complaint from Church leaders, fostering a climate of impunity that encourages further violence.⁵

2.4 Chronology of Major Attacks

The following table provides a non-exhaustive chronology of major documented attacks against EOTC adherents and institutions between 2020 and 2024. It synthesizes data from multiple sources to illustrate the recurring patterns of violence, the geographic distribution of attacks, and the identity of the alleged perpetrators.

Date	Location (Region, Town/Area)	Description of Incident	Reported Casualties (Killed, Injured, Abducted)	Alleged Perpetrator(s)	Source(s)
Nov 2020	Axum, Tigray	Massacre of civilians in and around the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion during the Axum Tsion festival period.	Est. 750 killed	Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF)	8
Mar 5, 2021	Debos Kebele, East Wollega, Oromia	Gunmen stormed the Abo Church, killing the administrator and executing 28 others, mostly women and children, in a nearby forest.	29 killed	Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)	[13, 20]
Feb 4, 2023	Shashamane, Oromia	Security forces opened fire with live rounds on parishioners protecting St. Michael Church from a takeover by a breakaway synod.	At least 8 killed, others injured	Oromia Regional Security Forces	[14, 16]
Nov 23 & 27, 2023	Arsi Zone, Oromia	In a series of attacks across three villages, Orthodox Christians were forcibly taken from their homes and executed.	36 killed	Unidentified armed men (OLA blamed by govt)	[10, 21]
Dec 28, 2023	Near Metehara, Oromia	Pilgrims returning from the annual feast of St. Gabriel at Kulubi were ambushed by gunmen.	8 killed, 10 abducted	Unidentified gunmen	10
Feb 16-17, 2024	Ziquala Monastery, Oromia	Four monks and clergy members, including the monastery’s head administrator, were kidnapped and subsequently murdered.	4 killed	Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)	[10, 11]
Mar 26, 2024	Dodola, Arsi, Oromia	Two entire families, including a Merigeta (clerical leader) and a Deacon, were massacred by gunmen at a church.	7+ killed	“Unidentified gunmen”	11

Section III: The 2023 Schism – A Crisis from Within and Without

In January 2023, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church was plunged into its most severe internal crisis in decades. A faction of archbishops declared the formation of a new, ethnically-based synod, triggering a schism that led to violent confrontations and exposed the Church’s profound vulnerability to the country’s turbulent political landscape. The crisis was not a spontaneous theological dispute but a politically charged event, deliberately exacerbated by state actors who appeared to leverage internal Church grievances for external political ends. The government’s actions transformed a canonical dispute into a state-sponsored persecution, demonstrating that the constitutional separation of church and state is functionally meaningless when political interests are at stake.

3.1 The “Oromo Synod’s” Challenge: A Declaration of Ethno-Religious Autonomy

On January 22, 2023, three archbishops, led by Abune Sawiros, ordained 25 new bishops in Woliso, Oromia, without the authorization of the central Holy Synod in Addis Ababa.¹⁵ They simultaneously announced the formation of the “Holy Synod of Oromia and Nations and Nationalities”.¹⁵ The public justification for this radical move centered on long-standing grievances regarding culture, language, and representation within the EOTC. Abune Sawiros and his followers argued that the Church was dominated by a single ethnic group—implicitly, the Amhara—and had failed to serve its followers in Oromia and other southern regions in their native languages, particularly Afaan Oromo.¹⁴

They claimed this linguistic and cultural hegemony was causing a mass exodus of believers to other denominations, particularly Protestant churches, which conduct services in local vernaculars.²⁴ The formation of a new synod was thus framed as a necessary, corrective measure to create a more inclusive, multilingual, and ethnically representative church that would be more aligned with Ethiopia’s federal political structure.²⁴ The move was a direct challenge to the traditional, centralized structure of the EOTC, representing a push for a form of ethno-religious autonomy that mirrored the country’s political divisions.

3.2 The Canonical Fortress: The Holy Synod’s Response

The response from the established Holy Synod, led by Patriarch Abune Mathias, was swift and unequivocal. The Synod immediately declared the ordinations and the formation of the new synod illegal, uncanonical, and a grave violation of the Church’s apostolic tradition and laws, including the ancient Fetha Negest (Justice of the Kings).²² On January 26, 2023, the Holy Synod formally excommunicated Abune Sawiros and the other rebel bishops.¹⁵

From the Synod’s perspective, the actions of the breakaway group were not a genuine effort at reform but a politically motivated “coup d’état” aimed at fracturing and ultimately destroying the unity of the Church.²² The Synod’s position was rooted in the core ecclesiological principle of a single, indivisible, and universal Holy Synod led by one Patriarch, as stipulated by centuries of canon law.²⁷ It rejected the very premise of creating parallel, ethnically-defined synods, viewing it as a dangerous politicization of the faith that would subordinate the spiritual body of the Church to the temporal, ethnic-based administrative boundaries of the state. The Synod argued that it had already been working to expand services in Afaan Oromo and other languages, and that the schism was an illegitimate and destructive path to addressing these issues.²⁸

3.3 The State’s Hand: From Interference to Violent Enforcement

The schism escalated from an internal canonical crisis to a violent national conflict due to the direct interference of the Ethiopian government. The EOTC leadership accused Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s administration of not only failing to remain neutral but of actively meddling in the Church’s affairs to support the breakaway faction.¹⁴ In a televised address, Prime Minister Abiy described the matter as an internal affair that could be resolved through dialogue, stating that “both sides have truths” and that the government could not ignore the demand to be served in one’s native language.²⁸

The Holy Synod interpreted these remarks as a de facto recognition of the illegal group, which emboldened the schismatics and undermined the legitimate authority of the Church.²⁸ The government’s complicity quickly moved from rhetorical to physical. Reports emerged that Oromia regional security forces were providing protection and logistical support to the breakaway bishops, escorting them as they attempted to forcibly seize churches, monasteries, and diocesan offices across Oromia.¹⁵

This state-backed enforcement turned deadly. On February 4, 2023, in the city of Shashamane, Oromia special forces used lethal force against parishioners who had gathered to peacefully prevent the takeover of St. Michael’s Church. Eyewitnesses reported security forces firing live ammunition and snipers firing from nearby buildings, resulting in the deaths of at least eight Orthodox Christians.⁸ The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) later confirmed the deaths and concluded that security forces had used “excessive force”.¹⁶ In response to the escalating violence and public outcry, the government restricted access to social media platforms like Facebook, Telegram, and TikTok for five months, a move widely seen as an attempt to control the flow of information and suppress dissent.¹⁵

The government’s actions revealed a strategic double standard. While Prime Minister Abiy promotes a political philosophy of “Medemer” (synergy or coming together) that ostensibly transcends ethnic divisions, his government’s handling of the EOTC crisis appeared to deliberately inflame and exploit those very divisions within a national institution.³⁴ By siding with a faction whose primary justification was ethnic grievance, the government signaled that its commitment to national unity was secondary to its political objectives, particularly the consolidation of power within its core constituency in the Oromia region.⁷ The state acted not as a neutral arbiter but as an active participant, using a faction of the Church as a political tool to weaken the main body, which is often perceived as an independent and potentially oppositional power center.

Section IV: The Nexus of Conflict – Perpetrators and Drivers

The persecution of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians is not the work of a single entity but is driven by a convergence of actors with overlapping, and at times, shared objectives. The violence is perpetrated by a combination of state security forces, acting with direct authority or through negligence, and non-state armed groups animated by ethno-nationalist ideologies. Both view the EOTC as an obstacle to their respective political and territorial ambitions. This section analyzes the roles of these key perpetrators and deconstructs the ideological narratives that provide justification for transforming political conflict into religious persecution, creating a climate of near-total impunity.

4.1 The State as Perpetrator: Complicity, Negligence, and Direct Action

Evidence compiled by human rights organizations and media reports clearly implicates Ethiopian state security forces, at both the federal and regional levels, as direct perpetrators of violence against Orthodox Christians. During the Tigray War, the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) and allied Eritrean Defence Forces (EDF) were responsible for the massacre of hundreds of civilians at the holy site of Axum.⁸ In Oromia, the regional police and special forces have been repeatedly accused of using “excessive force” and carrying out extrajudicial killings, most notably during the 2023 schism crisis in Shashamane.¹⁶ In the Amhara region, the ENDF’s crackdown on the Fano militia has included attacks on monasteries where civilians were sheltering, resulting in killings and mass displacement.¹⁶

Beyond direct action, the state also functions as a perpetrator through complicity and negligence. Reports frequently describe the “passive acquiescence of local authorities” who fail to intervene to stop attacks on churches and believers by other groups.¹⁰ The EOTC has repeatedly called for government protection, but these pleas have largely gone unanswered, creating a vacuum of security that armed groups exploit.⁷ This persistent failure to investigate attacks and prosecute those responsible—whether they are state or non-state actors—has fostered a pervasive climate of impunity.⁹ This inaction sends a clear message that violence against the Orthodox community will be tolerated, thereby encouraging further atrocities. The state’s failure to fulfill its fundamental duty to protect all its citizens, regardless of their faith or ethnicity, constitutes a grave violation of both national and international law.

4.2 Armed Insurgency: The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA)

The primary non-state actor implicated in the persecution is the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), an armed insurgent group fighting the government for the self-determination of Oromia.²⁰ The EOTC, government officials, and eyewitnesses have explicitly blamed the OLA for a multitude of brutal attacks. These include the 2024 kidnapping and murder of four monks from the Ziquala Monastery, the massacre of 36 Orthodox Christians in the Arsi zone in late 2023, and the 2021 Abo church massacre where 29 people were killed.¹⁰

The OLA has periodically denied responsibility for specific attacks, claiming that it does not target civilians based on their ethnicity or religion and sometimes blaming rogue splinter groups.²⁰ However, the consistent pattern of deadly violence against Orthodox communities in areas where the OLA is active makes these denials difficult to sustain. The group’s actions appear to be driven by its core ethno-nationalist ideology, which is rooted in historical grievances against the Ethiopian state.²⁰ In this narrative, the EOTC is viewed as a colonial institution and a symbol of the historical “Amhara-dominated” empire that the OLA is fighting to dismantle.⁶ Attacking the Church, therefore, is seen as a direct strike against the ideological and institutional foundations of the Ethiopian state. It is worth noting, however, that the OLA’s targets are not exclusively Orthodox; reports also indicate attacks on Protestant churches, suggesting a broader anti-government or anti-institutional agenda in certain contexts.¹⁶

4.3 Deconstructing the Narrative: Ideological Drivers of Persecution

The violence against the EOTC is underpinned and justified by a potent ideological narrative that recasts a religious institution as a political enemy. This narrative, which gained traction under the EPRDF’s ethno-federal system, portrays the Amhara people and, by extension, the EOTC as historical oppressors who imposed their language, culture, and religion on other ethnic groups, particularly the Oromo.⁶ This rhetoric effectively dehumanizes the victims and reframes the conflict. A church is no longer a sacred house of worship but a political fortress or a colonial outpost. A priest is not a spiritual leader but an agent of a rival ethnic group. A congregation of the faithful is not a community of believers but a settlement of political adversaries.

This ideological framing is the crucial catalyst that transforms political and ethnic disputes into religious persecution. It provides a moral and political justification for committing acts of extreme violence against civilians, clergy, and sacred sites that would otherwise be universally condemned.⁵ The result is a toxic environment where state and non-state actors can pursue political and territorial goals through the systematic targeting of a specific religious community. The inaction of regional security forces in the face of OLA attacks, and their own direct violence against the same community, suggests a symbiotic relationship. Whether through deliberate coordination or a convergence of interests, the actions of insurgents and the complicity of regional state forces work towards a shared outcome: the violent erosion of the EOTC’s presence and influence, particularly in the Oromia region.

Section V: The Human Toll – A Community in Fear

Beyond the political analysis and casualty statistics lies the devastating human toll of the persecution. For millions of Ethiopian Orthodox Christians, the relentless violence has shattered lives, destroyed communities, and instilled a pervasive climate of fear that fundamentally alters their ability to live and worship in peace. The campaign of attacks has triggered a severe humanitarian crisis, marked by mass displacement, profound psychological trauma, and the systematic erosion of the fundamental right to religious freedom. The pattern of targeted violence followed by mass flight strongly suggests that the displacement of Orthodox communities is not an unintended byproduct of conflict but a primary objective, a form of ethno-religious cleansing aimed at achieving demographic and political change on the ground.

5.1 Voices from the Exodus: Testimonies of Loss and Trauma

The scale of the suffering is best understood through the personal stories of its victims. These testimonies paint a harrowing picture of loss, terror, and resilience. Saron Abraha, pregnant with her sixth child, fled the holy city of Axum with her family as explosions rocked the town. She walked 225 kilometers with a toddler on her back, separated from other family members whose fate she still does not know. She described the journey as a desperate search for food and water, relying on the occasional pity of soldiers for her children’s survival.³⁷

The trauma is not only physical but deeply psychological, leaving lasting scars on individuals and families. Kebede, a police inspector, was beaten unconscious by a mob that attacked his church. He survived but permanently lost his hearing, a disability that cost him his job and prevents him from ever hearing his youngest son’s voice.³⁸ Esther, a refugee who survived the massacre of her entire family, found counseling and support through an EOTC-affiliated aid commission in Addis Ababa. Her story highlights both the extreme trauma inflicted upon victims and the crucial role the Church and its associated organizations play in providing solace and humanitarian aid, even as they are under attack themselves.³⁹

5.2 A Climate of Fear: The Erosion of Religious Freedom

The constant and unpredictable nature of the violence has created a pervasive climate of fear that has crippled community life and severely curtailed religious freedom. In regions like Oromia’s Arsi zone, the fear of targeted attacks has become so acute that it has triggered a mass exodus, with entire communities abandoning homes their families have lived in for generations.⁴⁰ This atmosphere of terror directly impacts the ability of Orthodox Christians to practice their faith.

Holy sites, traditionally regarded as inviolable sanctuaries, are now battlegrounds. Monasteries have been attacked, churches have been burned, and worshippers have been killed during religious services and pilgrimages.¹⁰ Church leaders are specifically targeted for assassination and kidnapping, while government security forces have disrupted religious services with tear gas and violence.¹¹ This environment forces believers into an impossible choice between their physical safety and their spiritual obligations. The freedom to congregate, to worship, and to participate in the religious life of the community has been fundamentally undermined. This constitutes a severe violation of the right to freedom of religion, as the state has failed to provide the basic security necessary for its citizens to exercise this right without fear of death or displacement.

5.3 The Humanitarian Crisis: Displacement and Desperation

The direct result of this persecution is a large-scale humanitarian crisis. Thousands of Orthodox Christians have been forcibly displaced from their homes, particularly in Oromia and during the Tigray War.¹⁶ These internally displaced persons (IDPs) often flee with nothing, losing their homes, land, and livelihoods. They seek refuge in overcrowded schools, church compounds, or makeshift camps, where they face dire conditions, lacking adequate food, water, sanitation, and medical care.³⁷

The conflict has also destroyed critical civilian infrastructure, including health clinics, water points, and schools, further exacerbating the suffering of displaced and host communities alike.⁴¹ Humanitarian access is often restricted due to insecurity, leaving many vulnerable populations without essential aid. The violence has created a cycle of poverty and dependency, stripping communities of their assets and their ability to rebuild. For many, the loss is total and the path to recovery is uncertain, as the ongoing threat of violence prevents any safe or dignified return to their ancestral lands.

Section VI: Conclusion and Pathways to Accountability

The evidence presented in this report leads to an inescapable conclusion: the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church and its adherents are facing a severe and systematic campaign of persecution. This is not a matter of isolated incidents or the unfortunate collateral damage of a country in turmoil. It is a multifaceted human rights crisis, characterized by widespread and brutal violence, fueled by a toxic nexus of ethno-nationalist politics, armed conflict, and the weaponization of historical grievances. The perpetrators include both non-state armed groups and, most alarmingly, state security forces, all operating within a climate of near-total impunity. The Ethiopian government has manifestly failed in its primary duty to protect its citizens and uphold the rule of law. In key instances, particularly in the Oromia region, federal and regional authorities have demonstrated clear complicity, acting not as neutral arbiters but as active participants in the persecution. This crisis threatens not only the Orthodox Christian community but the very fabric of the Ethiopian state, risking a descent into wider sectarian conflict. Addressing this escalating tragedy requires urgent, decisive, and coordinated action from both national authorities and the international community.

6.1 Synthesis of Findings

• Systematic and Widespread Persecution: The attacks against EOTC Christians are not random but follow a clear pattern of targeting clergy, worshippers, and sacred sites. The violence is geographically widespread, with epicenters in Oromia, Tigray, and Amhara, and has included massacres, executions, kidnappings, and the deliberate destruction of religious heritage.
• Politically and Ethnically Driven: The root causes of the persecution are not primarily theological but political and ethnic. The EOTC’s historical association with the centralized Ethiopian state and Amhara identity has made it a symbolic target for ethno-nationalist movements seeking to radically restructure or break away from the state.
• State and Non-State Perpetrators: The violence is carried out by a range of actors. Non-state armed groups, principally the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), have been credibly accused of numerous atrocities. Simultaneously, state security forces at both the federal and regional levels have been directly implicated in killings, the use of excessive force, and attacks on religious sites.
• Government Complicity and Impunity: The Ethiopian government has failed to protect the Orthodox community. Its response has been characterized by negligence, inaction, and, in the case of the 2023 schism, direct interference and violent enforcement on behalf of a breakaway faction. This failure to investigate crimes and hold perpetrators accountable has created a deadly climate of impunity that encourages further violence.

6.2 Recommendations

To the Government of Ethiopia:

1. Uphold the Duty to Protect: Publicly and unequivocally condemn all attacks on religious communities, figures, and institutions. Issue clear directives to all federal and regional security forces to protect civilians and religious sites and to use force only in accordance with international human rights standards.
2. Ensure Accountability and End Impunity: Launch immediate, credible, and transparent investigations into all documented atrocities, including the Axum massacre, the killings in Shashamane, and the murders of clergy in Oromia. Ensure that all perpetrators, including members of the ENDF and regional security forces, are brought to justice in fair trials.
3. Respect Constitutional Separation of Church and State: Cease all forms of interference in the internal canonical and administrative affairs of the EOTC and all other religious institutions. The state must act as a neutral protector of the law, not as a partisan actor in religious disputes.
4. Facilitate Humanitarian Access and Return: Guarantee safe and unhindered access for humanitarian organizations to all displaced populations. Develop and implement a comprehensive plan for the safe, voluntary, and dignified return of IDPs, providing necessary security and resources for the reconstruction of homes, livelihoods, and community infrastructure.

To International and Regional Bodies (United Nations, African Union, U.S. Government, European Union):

1. Support International Investigations: Publicly support and demand the Ethiopian government’s full cooperation with independent international accountability mechanisms, including any future mandates established by the UN Human Rights Council to follow up on the work of the International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE).⁴²
2. Utilize Targeted Sanctions: Impose targeted sanctions, including asset freezes and travel bans, on individuals and entities credibly implicated in ordering or carrying out gross violations of human rights, including attacks on religious communities. This should apply to government officials, security commanders, and leaders of armed groups.
3. Condition Bilateral and Multilateral Support: Make clear that non-humanitarian assistance, security cooperation, and preferential trade agreements, such as the U.S. African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), are contingent upon the Ethiopian government taking concrete and verifiable steps to end human rights abuses, ensure accountability for past atrocities, and protect religious freedom for all communities.⁴⁴
4. Increase Humanitarian and Peacebuilding Support: Bolster humanitarian aid to address the needs of those displaced by ethnic and religious violence. Concurrently, increase funding and technical support for local, track-II peacebuilding and inter-communal dialogue initiatives aimed at countering hate speech and rebuilding trust between communities.

To the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church:

1. Strengthen Documentation and Advocacy: Continue to systematically document all incidents of persecution, preserving evidence and utilizing it for national and international advocacy to demand protection and accountability.
2. Promote Internal Unity and Reform: Enhance internal mechanisms to address legitimate grievances regarding administrative transparency, representation, and the use of diverse languages in worship and instruction. Building institutional resilience is the most effective defense against external political manipulation and future schisms.
3. Lead Inter-Religious Dialogue: Proactively engage with leaders from Ethiopia’s Muslim, Protestant, and other religious communities to build solidarity, publicly counter divisive and violent narratives, and reaffirm a shared commitment to peaceful coexistence.

Works cited

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